Archive for the ‘MDC-N’ Category

JOHANNESBURG – To show how the party led
by President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe uses
brute force against its opponents, Elton
Mangoma , a cabinet minister in the country ‘s
troubled power -sharing government, rolled up
a pant leg during a recent interview at his
home to reveal scars from a 2007 police
beating that he said shattered his kneecap.
” If South Africa, the African Union and the
international community fold their arms , then
Zimbabwe can descend into chaos, ” warned
Mr . Mangoma , a leader in the Movement for
Democratic Change, or M. D . C . , the party that
fought Mr . Mugabe ‘s rule for a decade before
regional leaders pressured it into governing
with him for the past two years .
On Thursday , the police came again for Mr .
Mangoma , the minister of energy and power
development, who now stands accused of
criminal abuse of office in a deal to procure
fuel – charges he denied through his lawyer.
Also on Thursday , Zimbabwe’s Supreme Court –
viewed by many as partial to Mr . Mugabe, 87 –
invalidated the 2008 election of a speaker of
Parliament from the Movement for Democratic
Change.
The day ‘s events provided yet more evidence of
Zimbabwe’s rapidly deteriorating political
situation .
” The fact of the matter is that Zimbabwe is in a
crisis ,” Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai ,
leader of the Movement for Democratic
Change, said in a statement on Thursday .
Mr . Tsvangirai , who in March 2007 was badly
beaten at the same police station where Mr .
Mangoma said he was beaten , cited signs of
what he called a campaign by Mr . Mugabe’ s
party, ZANU-PF , to ” promote chaos and fear in
the country ” : 73 meetings of the M. D . C .
banned or disrupted by the police in recent
weeks; assaults on Mr . Tsvangirai ‘s supporters
in the slums of the capital, Harare , and in the
countryside; a propaganda onslaught against
him and his party in the state- controlled media ;
and the arrest and jailing of M. D. C . leaders and
activists opposed to Mr . Mugabe ‘s 31 -year rule.
Mr . Tsvangirai , who won more votes than Mr .
Mugabe in a March 2008 general election but
withdrew before a June runoff after widespread
attacks on his supporters , contended that
members of his party were being hounded by a
police force and criminal justice system
controlled by Mr . Mugabe .
” But ZANU-PF cadres and securocrats who
murdered people in the run-up to the 27 June
election are roaming free, ” Mr . Tsvangirai said .
He said Mr . Mangoma and six activists accused
of treason after watching videos of the
uprisings in Egypt and Tunisia were ” innocent
victims of a barbaric and senseless
dictatorship . “
Mr . Mugabe ‘s supporters said that the activists
were plotting to overthrow him. Jonathan
Moyo, a member of ZANU- PF ‘s Politburo , wrote
in the Feb . 27 Sunday Mail , a state-controlled
newspaper, that with the uprisings in North
Africa, ” no doubt vigilance has become the
order of the day all around .
” Only God knows why these hopeless copycats,
whose death wish is to be arrested at the
Harare Gardens and be charged with treason in
accordance with the rule of law they love
preaching about, honestly think they can do an
Egypt or Libya in Zimbabwe,” Mr . Moyo wrote.
ZANU-PF ‘ s crackdown seems driven by anxiety
about revolutions against autocratic rulers
sweeping North Africa and the Middle East , as
well as by the party’ s own push for elections
this year – elections that leaders of the
Movement for Democratic Change have warned
could lead to another violent and discredited
election .
In interviews in recent days , spokesmen for
both Mr . Mugabe and his party have said that
the elections must happen this year .
But South Africa, tasked by regional leaders
with brokering Zimbabwe’ s power- sharing deal ,
is pushing back against Mr . Mugabe ‘s rush to
the polls with unusual vigor that marks a
surprising break with its long and much
criticized ” quiet diplomacy ” in responding to its
neighbor ‘ s decade -long economic and political
decline.
In a statement on March 1 , Marius Fransman ,
the deputy minister in South Africa’s
Department of International Relations and
Cooperation, said South Africa and the region
took the position that any election held before
Zimbabweans adopted a new constitution
through a referendum would violate the power –
sharing agreement .
Told that ZANU-PF officials had said there
would be an election this year , Lindiwe Zulu , a
special adviser to South Africa’s president ,
Jacob Zuma , said in a recent interview that
pulling one off that soon would take a miracle .
And on a recent visit to Zimbabwe, Ms. Zulu
said , Mr . Zuma ‘s team plainly voiced concern
about a recurrence of violence and
intimidation .
” If they are going to have an election by
October , they would have to do a 360-degree
turnaround at high speed, ” she said .
Even more forceful comments came from
South Africa’ s deputy president , Kgalema
Motlanthe, who acknowledged the harsh
realities confronting his own country , where
more than a third of working – age people are
jobless and often resent the estimated two
million Zimbabweans who have settled here to
escape their devastated homeland .
Mr . Motlanthe called for the next Zimbabwean
elections to be a watershed in the country ‘s
history, free of violence and observed by
international monitors from the region and
Europe, his spokesman , Thabo Masebe,
confirmed .
” It is the will of the Zimbabwean people which
must determine the future of Zimbabwe as a
country , and it is in our interest as a country
that indeed we proceed in that direction ,” Mr .
Motlanthe said last week. ” Because if we fail
and Zimbabwe implodes , literally the border
between Zimbabwe will disappear and we will
sit with all the problems. “

By CELIA W . DUGGER
Published: March 11 , 2011
http://www.NYTimes.com

Bulawayo police have banned street protests,
rallies and meetings by political parties and civic
groups citing a hostile environment , a measure
observers described as “ symptomatic of regimes
without the people’ s mandate ” .
Police were denying political parties, other than
Zanu PF , and civic groups permission to hold
rallies on the back of suspicion the gatherings
could plot North Africa-style anti -government
uprisings .
The ban was prompted by fear the meetings
could be hijacked and used as a launchpad for
anti -President Robert Mugabe protests .
This comes at a time International Socialist
Organisation general coordinator Munyaradzi
Gwisai and 45 others are in remand prison for
allegedly planning an Egypt -style uprising
against President Mugabe ’ s rule.
Over the past few weeks, Bulawayo police have
denied the two MDCs and political pressure
groups permission to hold rallies, protests and
political meetings .
MDC-T Bulawayo provincial spokesperson Felix
Magalela Sibanda said the move had adversely
affected the party’ s preparations ahead of its
elective congress set for May .
“ The police are saying our meetings are
cancelled indefinitely . . . there is just no
justification for the cancellation of our
meetings , ” said Sibanda .
Last week , MDC- T MP for Bulawayo Central
Dorcas Sibanda was briefly detained for
allegedly organising a meeting perceived to
support anti -President Mugabe protests .
She was arrested during a fund- raising event for
Mpilo Central Hospital .
On Monday last week, police arrested over 22
Women and Men of Zimbabwe Arise ( Woza /
Moza) activists for holding a burial society
meeting in Entumbane and charged them with
planning anti -government protests .
Last Wednesday , police denied the Bulawayo
Progressive Residents ’ Association ( BPRA )
permission to hold street protests against poor
service delivery, saying “ they were given a
directive not to clear any meetings or
demonstrations ” .
BPRA said the “ move by the police is an affront
to freedom of expression and the right of
Zimbabweans to assembly” , adding the
association was considering taking legal action
against police .
Tsepiso Mpofu , the coordinator for the Youth
Initiative for Democracy in Zimbabwe, which is
spearheading a programme to assist youths
with voter registration, last week said her
association had also been denied permission to
hold meetings in high -density suburbs .
Edwin Ndlovu, the spokesperson for the
Welshman Ncube – led MDC, said their party
meetings had also been stopped on flimsy
grounds .
“ Police were clear and told us that they cannot
allow us to go ahead with our meetings because
we will use them to launch anti -government
protests, ” Ndlovu said .
Analysts , however , condemned the move by the
police as unconstitutional .
Rodrick Fayayo , a Bulawayo-based
commentator , said : “ It’ s symptomatic of
regimes without the people’ s mandate . They are
scared of the demonstrations they see in North
Africa, that is why they are closing space . ”
Acting Bulawayo police provincial spokesperson
Inspector Precious Simango could neither
confirm nor deny that police had officially
suspended political meetings , rallies and
protests.
“ There are reasons why those meetings , rallies
and protests were not sanctioned by the
regulating authorities,” Simango said , but
refused to state the reasons.

NQOBANI NDLOVU | BULAWAYO – Mar 06
2011 18 : 48
http://www.newsday.co.zw

CABINET ministers in the shaky inclusive
government clashed in furious scenes on
Tuesday in front of President Robert Mugabe
and Prime Ministers Morgan Tsvangirai over a
series of contentious political issues prompting
the holding soon of a special cabinet meeting to
resolve the matters.
Informed official sources said GPA principals ,
including Mugabe , Tsvangirai and Deputy Prime
Minister Arthur Mutambara , watched in horror
as ministers slugged it out over unimplemented
GPA issues as political tensions ran high and
partisan hostilities exploded at Munhumutapa
Building .
The cabinet session had been called to clear
Global Political Agreement ( GPA) issues and the
future of the GNU . It however ended amid
chaotic and acrimonious clashes as ministers
engaged in heated no -holds -barred exchanges
over disputed political issues .
This had necessitated a special cabinet sitting
that would be decisive in many ways for the
political direction and future of the country ,
according to a senior government minister .
“ We are going to have a special cabinet meeting
soon. The agenda of the meeting would in brief
be the GPA, GNU and the way forward ,” the
minister said . “ We are going to examine in
detail the 24 GPA issues which have been
agreed upon but not implemented. We are also
going to examine operations of the GNU . In
fact , this meeting will be a review of the
inclusive government. ”
The extraordinary cabinet meeting would
determine the fate of the government of
national unity ( GNU ) and the way forward
following recent problems around the lifespans
of the coalition arrangement , constitution –
making process , referendum and elections .
Some of the contentious issues were on
sanctions , the media , external radio stations,
hate speech , rule of law, state organs and
institutions , review of ministerial mandates , land
audit and tenure system and electoral
vacancies .
The gathering would also have a bearing on the
country ’ s future economic prospects,
particularly in view of Mugabe ’ s renewed threats
to grab foreign -owned companies under the
guise of indigenisation and empowerment.
Cabinet has now become a theatre of political
battles , mainly between Mugabe and Zanu PF
ministers and Tsvangirai and MDC-T ministers .
Mutambara now reportedly cuts a lonely figure
in cabinet after he was fired by his party and left
it under Minister of Trade and Industry
Welshman Ncube ’ s control . Mutambara and
Ncube are fighting over the MDC leadership and
the position of co -deputy prime minister . This
has intensified tensions within the divided
government .
“ As you would be aware ,” the minister said, “ the
negotiators of the three political parties in the
GPA finished their negotiations last year after
having been engaged since 2009 on a lot of
disputed issues. After that , the principals took a
long time to meet to resolve those issues which
negotiators agreed they could not deal with .
The principals resolved some of the issues but
later there was a dispute about that as well.
Principals met on many occasions since June last
year and the end result of that was a
commitment to implement the 24 items listed
on the implementation matrix document which
was approved by Sadc ( Southern African
Development Community) leaders in Windhoek
last year in August . ”
In early August last year the three parties in the
GPA endorsed and formalised the
implementation matrix which was approved and
presented as part of the report to Sadc
mediator , South African President Jacob Zuma .
After that Zuma took the report to the Sadc
summit in Windhoek. The report was approved
by regional leaders who gave Zimbabwean
parties timeframes and deadlines on
implementation of agreed issues .
The implementation matrix envisaged some
issues being tackled immediately; others within
a month or two months ; and a few
continuously or on a periodic basis .
The issues also included cabinet and council of
ministers ’ rules, guidelines and procedures ,
transport arrangements of principals , security
aides for the prime minister and deputy prime
ministers , parallel government , external
interference , national economic council,
constitutional commissions , national heroes, role
and position of permanent secretary of media ,
information and publicity , constitutional
amendment No 19 , interference with the rights
of freedom of association , assembly and
speech , role and funding of NGOs, multi -donor
trust fund and selective funding of ministries by
donors and electoral reforms .
Zimbabwe’ s cabinet approved the
implementation matrix but nothing much was
done afterwards .
Another government minister said the next
extraordinary cabinet meeting would “ seek to
revisit all these issues and enforce our own
decisions and Sadc resolutions” .
“ We must implement the GPA and that is what
the meeting will be about,” the minister said.
“ We signed the GPA and now Zimbabweans and
Sadc expect us to implement it in full . The GPA
is the basis of this government and the roadmap
to free and fair elections , so we can ’ t deviate
from it unless we want to let the country slide
back into a dark period of repression and
economic chaos. ”
Zuma ’ s facilitators have been in and out of the
country to ensure the parties implement the
GPA and define the roadmap to elections.
Although the parties have been cooperating,
Mugabe and his party have been trying to
stampede the country into early elections at
least by August . They have been doing this
through efforts to rush the constitution -making
process and referendum to pave for elections or
threats to abandon the GPA trajectory and go
back to the old constitution where Mugabe has
powers to unilaterally dissolve parliament and
call for elections . Under the GPA Mugabe does
not have these powers .

Thursday , 03 March 2011 20 : 18
Dumisani Muleya
http://www.theindependent.co.zw

Embattled new MDC leader Welshman Ncube
has described former party president Arthur
Mutambara as “(President Robert ) Mugabe’ s
puppet” and accused him of betraying his
generation following his refusal to step down as
Deputy Prime Minister and cede power to him.
Addressing party supporters at Garanyemba
business centre in Gwanda last Saturday , Ncube
said “ Mutambara has betrayed the whole
generation that had an obligation to show that
politics can be done differently ” by handing over
power smoothly.
Mutambara was voted out as party leader at an
MDC congress in January, but declined to step
down arguing the elections were a nullity .
Ncube recently won an interim High Court order
directing Mutambara not to masquerade as
MDC president .
On Saturday , Ncube shot down President
Mugabe’ s call for early polls saying the move
was likely to violate provisions of the GPA .
“ The GPA is the bible for the Government of
National Unity and it spells out the roadmap for
the GNU before elections can be held . There are
items that have to be implemented like media
and electoral reforms , constitution -making and
even implementation of an economic recovery
programme. However , ( President ) Mugabe says
I don’ t care what is in the GPA. ( President )
Mugabe says he is tired of working with other
parties ( in government) and wants an election
this year ,” said Ncube .
“ It’ s like a man who puts a foundation of his
house and walls but it remains without a roof
and says I want to live in it exposing his family
to the weather elements . The truth is we cannot
have an election before the full implementation
of the Global Political Agreement . We don’ t
want to repeat the 2008 scenario . By having an
election tomorrow , this year you are simply
going back to the 2008 stalemate ,” he said.
However , the MDC leader said his party was not
afraid of facing Zanu PF in an election.
“ We have resolved as a party not to cede any
space to Zanu PF by participating in all elections
even if the conditions are unfair or the electoral
field is not level , ” he said .
In an apparent reference to the situation in
Libya and Egypt respectively , Ncube said other
leaders who had clung to power for too long ,
had left unceremoniously in the last few weeks.

DUMISANI SIBANDA | GWANDA – Feb 28 2011
17 : 59

Embattled Deputy Prime Minister Arthur
Mutambara Friday challenged a provisional High
Court order which interdicted him from
exercising “ any function ” vested in the president
of the MDC until the finalisation of a High Court
case, in which a faction loyal to Mutambara is
challenging the rise of Ncube to the MDC
presidency .
Bulawayo High Court judge Justice Nicholas
Ndou last week granted interim relief to the
Welshman Ncube – led MDC, which was the first
applicant , and secretary -general Priscilla
Misihairabwi-Mushonga ( second applicant )
which interdicted Mutambara from exercising
“ any function ” vested in the president of the
party until the finalisation of High Court case
number 612/ 11 , in which a faction loyal to
Mutambara ( respondent) is challenging the rise
of Ncube to the MDC presidency .
Mutambara is arguing that Misihairabwi-
Mushonga was hiding “ behind the courts in
dealing with a politically sensitive matter that
they have failed to deal with within the
appropriate political domain ” .
“ In my view this is an abuse of the court
process ,” Mutambara said in court papers filed
at the High Court in Bulawayo Saturday .
“ The court must be very slow in getting involved
in such matters. A decision that appears to be
dealing only with matters of my party has a
clear effect on the operation of Executive of the
Government . ”
Mutambara Saturday attended a meeting with
President Mugabe and Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai and said he did so in his capacity as a
GPA principal and not leader of the other MDC.
Mutambara said Misihairabwi-Mushonga and
her group approached President Mugabe with
the matter and were told: “ You can tell your
National Council that mina ( me ) as Robert
Mugabe, angifuni ( I don’ t want ) . ”
This , he said indicated a “ total rejection of the
group ’ s proposals, which are part of this
application.
“ It is immediately after this response from the
President of Zimbabwe that the 2 nd applicant
( Misihairabwi-Mushonga) approached this
Honourable court , ” Mutambara said .

Mutambara is arguing there was no “ proper”
urgent chamber application before the court
and that the applicants did not follow proper
procedures in seeking redress .
He said because of this , the provisional order
should not have been granted.
He argued the matter was not supposed to be
treated as urgent saying : “ As I understand it ,
urgent matters are those that cannot wait and
must be dealt with forthwith and without any
delay . There must be justification for the matter
to ‘ jump the queue ’ as it were. ”
In the provisional order Justice Ndou ruled:
“ That respondent is interdicted from ‘ purporting’
to be the president of the Movement for
Democratic Change.
“ That respondent is interdicted from exercising
any function vested in the president of the
Movement for Democratic Change. That
respondent is interdicted from in any way
interfering with structures and organs of the
party. ”
In her founding affidavit, Misihairabwi-
Mushonga chronicled the events that led to the
congress which ushered Ncube into power .
These included the walking-out at the last
national council meeting by some members of
the party, their subsequent High Court
application to have the congress resolutions set
aside and Mutambara ’ s decision to pull out of
the leadership race .

STAFF WRITER | HARARE – Feb 25 2011 19 : 35

MDC leader Welshman Ncube has expressed
confidence his party has gained enough ground
to dislodge both Zanu PF and MDC-T from office
in the next five years , saying the two parties had
failed to deliver Zimbabweans to the “ promised
land of milk and honey ” .
Ncube told nearly 400 party supporters in
Lupane on Sunday that despite the leadership
wrangles dogging his party , the MDC remained
focused .
“ We tried to oust ( President Robert ) Mugabe
through ( Premier Morgan) Tsvangirai but he
failed in the past 10 years . . . ” said Ncube .
“ We are not limiting our vision on the deputy
president post but we want the presidency.
During congress we resolved that in five years
time when we gather again for congress we
would do so as the ruling party, ” said the
former UZ law lecturer, who was recently
elected MDC president ahead of former leader
Arthur Mutambara .
Mutambara , who has refused to relinquish the
party leadership , has also clung to his deputy
prime minister ( DPM )’ s post despite calls to
hand over power to Ncube .
The matter has since spilled into the court
where the High Court recently granted a relief
order in Ncube ’ s favour . Mutambara argues the
party congress which booted him out was
largely flawed .
Mutambara has allegedly sought to remain DPM
on the grounds he “ is still rebranding
Zimbabwe” , a claim that Ncube described as
preposterous .
“ This person ( Mutambara ) who is clinging on
the post ( deputy prime minister ) says he is
currently engaged in rebranding Zimbabwe, but
what rebranding when ( President ) Robert
Mugabe is still in power?
“ It’ s like smearing a pig with lipstick only for it to
return to the mud every day . . . So what kind of
rebranding is that?
“ There is no rebranding as long as ( President )
Mugabe is still in power, ” Ncube said.
MDC has embarked on a nationwide campaign
ahead of a possible general election later this
year .
Meanwhile , businesspeople in Lupane told
Ncube , who is also Industry and Commerce
minister they preferred ordering goods from
Harare due to unfavourable business conditions
in Bulawayo.
“ We find goods in Harare far more affordable
than in Bulawayo due to the cross- rate issue .
We are now resorting to teaming up as shop
owners and hiring vehicles to buy our stuff in
Harare ,” said businessman , Cliff Maunze .

NQOBILE BHEBHE | BULAWAYO – Feb 21 2011
18 : 04
http://www.newsday.co.zw

The MDC faction led by Professor Welshman
Ncube has claimed in court that Deputy Prime
Minister ( DPM ) Arthur Mutambara begged them
to allow him to retain his government post
despite losing the party presidency .
According to an urgent chamber application
filed in the High Court to bar Mutambara from
“ purporting” to be president of the party , MDC
secretary -general , Priscilla Misihairabwi-
Mushonga said Mutambara had made the plea
both before and after the party’ s national
standing committee resolved to redeploy him to
a ministerial post .
Misihairabwi-Mushonga said Mutambara had
visited her at her house asking her to convene a
meeting with party leader Welshman Ncube to
discuss his role in the inclusive government.
“ The respondent then requested the president
of MDC to make representations on his behalf
to the party ’ s standing committee , the very
leadership he claims now not to recognise , for
that leadership to allow him to remain in the
position of DPM until June 2011 to enable him
to complete programmes such as the
rebranding programme he said he was still
working on ,” Misihairabwi-Mushonga said in her
founding affidavit.
“ This was communicated to the standing
committee which maintained its decision and
that position was again communicated to the
respondent.
“ Prior to that , on Thursday 20 January 2011 the
respondent approached me at my house asking
me in my capacity as secretary – general to
convene a meeting with the president of the
party to discuss his ( the respondent’ s) role in the
inclusive government .
“ He made a variety of suggestions which would
enable him to remain as DPM but which would
also enable the president of the party to play his
role as principal under the Global Political
Agreement . ”
Addressing a press conference after the party’ s
national council meeting which resolved to
expel Mutambara, Misiharabwi -Mushonga told
reporters that Mutambara was desperate for the
DPM post .
“ He is desperate for the DPM post and that
which comes with it . He told me ‘ you can take
away everything as long as I remain as DPM ’ , ”
she said.
Ncube was elected MDC president at the party ’ s
national congress last month , after the former
student leader pulled out of the race .
Mutambara has however refused to relinquish
his position as party leader and as DPM , leading
to a circus which has spilled into the courts .
The High Court has since ruled Mutambara
could not claim the party presidency .

OWEN GAGARE | HARARE – Feb 18 2011 17 : 46
http://www.newsday.co.zw

TWO years ago the Government of National
Unity ( GNU ) was set up on the basis of the
Global Political Agreement ( GPA) . The
agreement came about as a result of
inconclusive elections which had seen President
Robert Mugabe being beaten by Morgan
Tsvangirai and Zanu PF losing its parliamentary
majority to the two MDC formations.
The GNU and its implementation framework
achieved a number of things for all the three
political parties and the people of Zimbabwe as
a whole . However , two years later Zanu PF and
Mugabe claim the inclusive government is not
working well . This is in spite of the fact that the
agreement and its attendant governance
structure — the GNU — gave Mugabe legitimacy
and the people of Zimbabwe room to breathe in
a much better economic environment .
Has the Government of National Unity failed ?
Who says it has failed and why ? What indicators
can we use to measure its success or failure?
Why does Zanu PF or Mugabe want the inclusive
government to come to an end ?
I’ m convinced an end of the inclusive
government may bring us back to the pre – 2008
days and we may be back to another
inconclusive election or disputed election . A
quick -fix election and a premature end of the
GNU together with the GPA may not be a step
forward but rather may see us moving around
in circles . The GNU can only be judged
according to the framework that created it
which is the GPA . Pertinently there are over 27
areas of the GPA which the GNU has failed to
implement . This article primarily focuses on the
successes and failures of the GNU as envisioned
and anticipated in the GPA
What Zanu PF wanted from GNU
Mugabe and Zanu PF needed three things from
the GNU and these included but are not limited
to :
Legitimacy;
Time to retreat, re -organise whilst allowing the
two MDCs to deal with the harder issues of
reviving the government and getting the
government to work again;
Removal of sanctions / restrictive measures or
whatever one chooses to call them .
The GNU however has frustrated Zanu PF in the
following ways:
It has forced them on the path of fundamental
democratic reforms — a concept that they are
quite alien to; It forced Mugabe to be more
accountable to GPA partners although he
routinely ignores them . Surprisingly he has been
more than keen to consult the other principals
on the Welshman Ncube – Arthur Mutambara
saga ;
It has limited their access to state resources.
The two MDCs strategic objectives were to gain
access to the levers of power, to influence the
economic and political direction of the country
through fundamental democratic reforms . The
MDC formations have not totally achieved these
objectives as power has continued to be vested
in Zanu PF and Mugabe as evidenced by his
unilateral appointments of ambassadors and
governors.
The MDC formations have managed to provide
stability in the government through their control
of critical social and economic ministries. It
must be remembered that when the GNU was
created the economy and the social sector had
literally been decimated by Zanu PF . Whilst the
MDC formations were religiously implementing
most of the items of the GPA, Zanu PF was
nicodemously rebuilding its structures and doing
all it could to make sure the agreement failed .
This worked for as long as it gave the party
space to re -organise. This is not to say that all
MDC ministers are angels or paragons of virtue
and all Zanu PF ministers are devils and
demons, but Zanu PF ministers represent and
are part of an evil and mafia – like system whilst
the two MDC formations purport to be part of a
system that is epitomised by democracy
( whatever their understanding of it ) .

Stumbling blocks for GPA

If we were to use measurable and verifiable
indicators to measure the inclusive
government’ s success or failure rate the GPA is
the most useful barometer to use . Obviously
there were many intrinsic and extrinsic factors
that influenced failure or ability to implement
the GPA. Amongst these factors are :
Political will or lack thereof from the three
political parties
Ineffectiveness of the GPA in implementation
and lack of oversight structures.
External factors or mechanisms such as Sadc ,
the AU and the facilitator , South Africa, as
envisaged in article 22 . 6
Achievements — economic policies
The GNU has managed to bring sanity to the
economy through the Short Term Emergency
Recovery Programmes — Sterp I and Sterp 2 —
which have managed to address issues
pertaining to runaway inflation and economic
instability. Basic commodities such as bread,
milk and mealie -meal are now readily available
even though the country ’ s supermarkets have
been flooded with foreign products to the
detriment of locally produced goods . However
four years ago the situation was completely
different as it was not difficult not only to get
relish for sadza but even to get sadza for the
relish. The inclusive government must be
commended for this .
The inclusive government is yet to effectively
conclude the setting up of the National
Economic Council which is supposed to consist
of representatives of the parties, the
manufacturing sector, commerce , finance ,
labour , academia and other stakeholders ( Article
3 c of GPA ) .

Sterp as a GNU indicator

The inclusive government’ s economic policy,
Sterp , appears to have been rather over
ambitious in that it sought to solve a broad
spectrum of socio -economic and political issues
such as politics and governance issues ; social
protection — food, health education and
vulnerable sectors ; economic stabilisation
including capacity utilisation in all sectors ;
restoring the value of the Zimbabwean
currency; ensuring availability of basic
commodities and rehabilitation of collapsed
social, health and education sector ( as in the
2011 national budget statement ) .
However the economy was beginning to show
some signs of life with investors showing
interest in the country . Despite these positives ,
Zanu PF went on its usual path of economic
suicide by tabling controversial indigenisation
laws, demanding elections , engaging in an
organised and confusing fresh spate of invasions
and violence in and around Harare.

Failures of the inclusive govt

The GNU failed to implement the following
aspects of its own bible — the GPA . These
failures include ;
The constitution making process as articulated
in article 6 missed all its deadlines and was
characterised by intimidation , disorganisation
and chaos.
The govt failed to promote equality, national
healing , cohesion and unity — it only managed
to set up a structure and a secretariat of the
organ.
War veterans and Zanu PF youths continue to
disrupt free political activity as evidenced by the
mayhem in Harare .
When it comes to the rule of law, respect for
the constitution and other laws , the police have
applied the law selectively and have stood by as
Zanu PF youths engaged in looting and violence
in Harare . The police instead as evidenced by
Commissioner General Augustine Chihuri ’ s
statements on the Zimbabwe Broadcasting
Holdings show that they have taken sides with
the perpetrators and arrested victims .
State organs such as the police and the army
have failed to be impartial with senior officers
openly siding with Zanu PF and declaring that
change in Zimbabwe cannot be brought about
by a mere pen ( in reference to voting/
elections ) . The GPA is abundantly clear in stating
that state organs and institutions do not belong

Friday , 18 February 2011 10 : 25
By Dumisani Nkomo
http://www.theindependent.co.zw

ZIMBABWEAN political parties –– whatever their
history –– are synonymous with factionalism as
their leaders are continually fighting for control
at the expense of purported party objectives .
What is happening in the smaller MDC faction
formerly led by Arthur Mutambara is nothing
new as the country ’ s political history clearly
shows that internal power struggles and
wrangles have often led to splits going as far
back as the 1960 s.
For the older generation which saw the
formation, splits , re -unions and more splits of
liberation movements , the recent acrimonious
spat between Mutambara and Welshman Ncube
over control of the party has all the ingredients
of déjà vu . They have seen leaders fighting for
control of political parties starting with the split
of the then Zimbabwe African People’ s Union
( Zapu ) in 1963.
The Ncube / Mutambara row falls within the
realm of the country ’ s culture of political parties
in both pre and post independent Zimbabwe
where fault lines develop along personalities,
ideologies, ethnicity and geographic areas of
origin –– usually leading to splits .
Examples include the Zapu split of 1963, the
formation of the Front for Liberation of
Zimbabwe and the October 2005 MDC break
up .
There have been other lesser splits and
fractures , but their effect on national politics is
negligible.
The 1963 Zapu split was over “ ideology ” and the
best way forward in the struggle to attain
Independence. The two dominant personalities
then were party president Joshua Nkomo and
Ndabaningi Sithole who led the splinter group .
Sithole faced a rebellion while in prison and was
deposed from Zanu in 1974 , but he held on to
the party name until his death in 2000 .
The name of the party was the only thing he was
left with as President Robert Mugabe took
control of the structures, including the military
wing which was instrumental in executing the
liberation war .
Even after the rebellion in prison , Sithole
continued to claim leadership of Zanu and
announcing in the press that he had expelled
the troublemakers from the party .
More than three decades later and with a new
generation of politicians which includes
Mutambara –– born in 1966 –– and Ncube ( 50 )
history is repeating itself yet again .
Last week , in a move that bordered on the
comical, Mutambara sensing his imminent
expulsion from the party announced that
Ncube , who had taken over the party presidency
a month earlier , was fired.
A day later , the MDC announced the firing of
Mutambara who had refused to resign as
Deputy Prime Minister despite moves to
reassign him to a ministerial post .
Ncube himself is no stranger to splits as he led a
rebellion, just over five years ago, and moved
away from the Morgan Tsvangirai-led MDC
which analysts agreed sapped the party of its
energy.
While the Mutambara / Ncube row remains
entrapped in the legality or illegality of the
congress which ousted the former , the usual
accusations of personality clashes and
regionalism have emerged .
A South African based analyst Sabelo Gatsheni-
Ndlovu said splits that rocked political parties
since 1963 cannot be explained in terms of one
factor or singular political theory .
“ Splits are products of build -up and coalescence
of various factors ranging from ethnic ,
constitutional, ideological, tribal , personality
clashes and external infiltration , ” said Gatsheni-
Ndlovu. “ What has not been said about the split
of 1963 is that it was partly to do with which
ethnic group between Ndebele -oriented and
Shona -oriented ones considered itself the
authentic subjects of the nation with primal
rights to rule over Zimbabwe at the end of
colonial rule. ”
He said Sithole miscalculated by leading the split
because he did not belong to those who were
claiming primal ethnic rights to inherit
Zimbabwe from white colonisers and it was
inevitable that he would be deposed.
While another political analyst , Grasian
Mkodzongi said that there was nothing unusual
about political parties splitting .
“ Like any other social groupings , political parties
are prone to splits as a result of leadership and
succession issues ,” said Mkodzongi , who is
reading for a doctorate with the University of
Edinburgh.
He said there were parties such as the African
National Congress of South Africa which were
better than others in dealing with leadership
issues .
“ In other contexts the absence of a clear policy
on succession can cause friction in the party ,
this is the case for many Zimbabwean political
parties ( the Mutambara MDC, MDC- T and Zanu
PF ) all do not have clear policies on succession
or their leaders have tried to manipulate party
constitutions to remain in charge and this has
caused major problems for the parties, ” added
Mkodzongi .
Apart from the elites fighting for the control of
the party , Gatsheni– Ndlovu said part of the
problem leading to splits and factionalism was
embedded in society .
“ A tribally, ethnically and regionally bifurcated
society will inevitably produce tribal , ethnic and
regional leader claiming national mantle , ” said
Gatsheni– Ndlovu who is also a lecturer at the
University of South Africa. “ The sickness is deep –
rooted in our society itself and political
gladiators simply manipulate it . ”
He said the Ncube / Mutambara row was framed ,
claimed and re -packaged ethnically , tribally and
regionally.
“ It is a pity that even those at the top of the
state and government structures are not free
from ethnicity, tribalism and regionalism, ” said
Gatsheni-Ndlovu .
Another analyst Francisca Manyere who is based
in New Zealand said fractures in political parties
were a reflection of the political culture of the
country , especially emphasis on male
dominance.
“ Why is it that it is always male politicians who
head factions and lead breakaways ?” she asked .
“ What is happening in the smaller faction of the
MDC is only a microcosm of Zimbabwean
politics and we are stuck with it until we
redefine our political culture and it may take
another generation . ”
The mortal combat between Ncube and
Mutambara could end with the political life of
either of the two protagonists but like with the
split of 1963 , if no lessons are drawn, Zimbabwe
would be held hostage to the undercurrents
which have swept political parties into factions .

Friday , 18 February 2011 10 : 12
Leonard Makombe

The High Court Wednesday ordered Deputy
Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara to stop ,
forthwith, masquerading as the president of the
MDC.
Bulawayo High Court judge Justice Nicholas
Ndou granted interim relief to the Welshman
Ncube -led MDC, which was the first applicant ,
and secretary -general Priscilla Misihairabwi-
Mushonga ( second applicant ) which interdicted
Mutambara from exercising “ any function”
vested in the president of the party until the
finalisation of High Court case number 612/ 11 ,
in which a faction loyal to Mutambara
( respondent) is challenging the rise of Ncube to
the MDC presidency .
Ndou ruled : “ That respondent is interdicted
from ‘ purporting’ to be the president of the
Movement for Democratic Change.
“ That respondent is interdicted from exercising
any function vested in the president of the
Movement for Democratic Change. That
respondent is interdicted from in any way
interfering with structures and organs of the
party. ”
In her founding affidavit, Misihairabwi-
Mushonga chronicled the events that led to the
congress which ushered Ncube into power .
These included the walking-out at the last
national council meeting by some members of
the party, their subsequent High Court
application to have the congress resolutions set
aside and Mutambara ’ s decision to pull out of
the leadership race .
She also mentioned that the party’ s national
standing committee resolved to shuffle its
Cabinet members on January 23 and re –
assigned Mutambara from the DPM post to the
Regional Integration and International
Cooperation ministry .
She said Mutambara had on February 7
announced he would not relinquish his DPM
post until the High Court had made a
determination before announcing he had fired
Ncube from the party two days later .
Misihairabwi-Mushonga said her application
came at a critical time in the inclusive
government and called for elected leaders of the
party, including Ncube , to be allowed to play
their role, more so because Mutambara was
contemplating reshuffling MDC ministers and
attending critical meetings .
“ In the last 48 hours , the respondent has been
telling all and sundry that he will soon be
announcing a Cabinet reshuffle of the MDC
ministers in the inclusive government by
replacing the existing team with his nominees .
In this regard he has approached several of the
party’ s MPs offering them ministerial
appointments, ” she said .
“ Respondent is not the MDC president and has
no authority to reshuffle the party ministers .
Furthermore , there are at least two forthcoming
meetings of the presidents of the three political
parties in theGPA . . . The respondent is claiming
that he will represent the party at these
important meetings , when in fact he has no
mandate to do so.
“ There is also a forthcoming meeting of the
Sadc Organ on Defence and Security at which
the facilitator of the Zimbabwe dialogue,
President Jacob Zuma , will present his report on
the outstanding issues in the implementation of
the GPA. The party must be presented by its
president at this meeting which is normally
attended by the presidents of the parties in the
GPA. Since the respondent is claiming to be the
president of the MDC and claims to have
dismissed the party president , we fear that the
respondent will seek to represent the party at
this meeting when he has no lawful right to do
so. ”
Mutambara was given 10 days to file a notice of
opposition in the High Court in Bulawayo, with
one or more opposing affidavits if he intends to
oppose confirmation of the order .

OWEN GAGARE | BULAWAYO – Feb 16 2011
18 : 23